Understanding Criminal Behavior Across the Lifespan

In the realm of criminology, understanding the complexities of criminal behavior requires a multifaceted approach that transcends traditional views focused solely on adolescent delinquency. The burgeoning fields of Life-Course and Developmental Criminology provide invaluable insights into how criminal and antisocial behaviors evolve throughout an individual’s life span, influenced by an intricate interplay of biological, psychological, and social factors. By examining long-term trajectories of behavior alongside critical life transitions, these theories aim to illuminate not only why some individuals persist in crime but also what enables others to break free from such patterns.

At the heart of this exploration are two foundational frameworks: Terrie Moffitt’s Developmental Taxonomy and Sampson and Laub’s Age-Graded Theory of Informal Social Control. These models delve deep into the origins and persistence of antisocial behavior while emphasizing significant turning points that can redirect individuals toward more conventional lifestyles. This article will unpack key concepts within Life-Course and Developmental Criminology, offering a comprehensive overview that enhances our understanding of crime as a dynamic process shaped by various influences over time. Through this lens, we can better appreciate the nuances behind criminal pathways and develop more effective strategies for intervention and prevention.

An Introduction to Life-Course and Developmental Criminology

Criminology, the study of crime and deviant behavior, has evolved significantly beyond focusing solely on adolescent misdeeds. Modern perspectives, particularly Life-Course Theories (LCT) and Developmental Criminology (DLC), aim to provide a more holistic understanding. They analyze how criminal and antisocial behavior unfolds across an individual’s entire life span, from childhood through adulthood. This broad approach emphasizes both stability (why some individuals consistently offend) and change (why others desist or begin offending at different life stages). A core concern of these theories is identifying the processes through which disruptive behavior in childhood can escalate into delinquency and crime, as well as the factors that enable individuals to adopt more conventional lifestyles over time.

Life Course Theory

Life course theory is a multidisciplinary framework that examines the ways in which individual lives are shaped by historical and social contexts over time. Glen H. Elder explains that “life course provides a framework for studying phenomenons at the nexus of social pathways, developmental trajectories, and social change” (Elder et al., 2003). The theory emphasizes the importance of timing, transitions, and life events in understanding human development. According to this theory, individuals do not develop in isolation; rather, their experiences are influenced by varying factors such as family dynamics, socio-economic status, cultural norms, and significant historical events. Life course theory also considers how these influences can change across generations and impact future outcomes.

Another key aspect of life course theory is its focus on trajectories—long-term patterns of stability and change—and how they interact with turning points or critical life events. These trajectories may include education paths, career advancements, relationship developments, or health issues. The interplay between personal choices and external factors highlights the dynamic nature of human lives while providing insights into how early experiences can have lasting effects throughout an individual’s lifespan. This perspective allows researchers and practitioners to better understand developmental processes within broader societal frameworks.

See Life Course Theory for more information of this prominent theory in psychology

Developmental Psychology

Developmental psychology is the scientific study of how and why human beings change throughout their lives. This field examines a wide array of developmental stages, from infancy through old age, focusing on cognitive, emotional, social, and physical growth. Ben S. Bradley, a professor of psychology for the School of Behavioral Sciences at James Cook University, wrote that “Development has typically been defined as leading towards a biological goal of species-specific maturity.” Bradley continues, “Cognitive development is simply one aspect of the way an organism’s biological potential unfolds” (Bradley, 1993).

Researchers in this developmental psychology explore a variety of topics including language acquisition, moral development, identity formation, and the impact of family and cultural influences on an individual’s development. By studying these aspects across different life stages, developmental psychologists aim to understand both normative patterns of growth as well as individual variations that can occur due to genetic or environmental factors.

One key principle in developmental psychology is that development is a lifelong process characterized by continuous changes rather than discrete stages. Theories such as Erik Erikson’s psychosocial development model highlight how individuals face specific challenges at various points in their lives that contribute to personal growth and identity formation. Additionally, contemporary research often emphasizes the interplay between nature (biological inheritance) and nurture (environmental influences), illustrating how both elements shape an individual’s psychological trajectory. This holistic approach provides valuable insights not only for academic understanding but also for practical applications in education, therapy, and parenting strategies.

See Developmental Psychology for more information on this primary field of research in psychology

The Impact of Developmental Psychology and Life Course Theory on Criminology

Developmental Psychology and Criminology

Developmental psychology has significantly shaped criminology by highlighting the early origins and enduring stability of antisocial behavior (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990, p. 108). This perspective posits that individual differences in criminal propensity appear early in life and remain relatively stable over time. It suggests that early childhood experiences, particularly defective family socialization lacking nurturance or discipline, contribute to the development of poor self-control, which in turn predisposes individuals to crime and “analogous acts” (Akers, 2005).

A prominent example is Moffitt’s dual taxonomy, which distinguishes between “life-course persistent” (LCP) offenders, whose antisocial behavior begins early due to neuropsychological deficits interacting with high-risk environments, and “adolescence-limited” (AL) offenders, whose deviance is primarily socially influenced and typically desists in adulthood (Akers, 2000, p. 252). Developmental psychology thus argues that factors present at or before birth can operate at a significant distance from the criminal events they cause, making childhood a critical period in understanding later criminal behavior (Cullen et al., 2011).

Life Course Theory and Criminology

Conversely, life-course theory profoundly influences criminology by focusing on both the stability and change in criminal behavior across the lifespan (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 7). While acknowledging the significance of early childhood propensities and the continuity of antisocial behavior, this perspective emphasizes the modifying impact of adult life events and social bonds. Key concepts include “trajectories” (long-term patterns of behavior) and “transitions” (life events within these pathways, such as first job or marriage), which can act as “turning points” that alter an individual’s criminal trajectory (Laub & Sampson, 1993). This approach necessitates the use of longitudinal research designs to track individuals over time and understand the dynamic interplay between personal characteristics, social contexts, and individual choices in shaping criminal pathways.

Two Prominent Frameworks in Developmental Criminology

From the foundation of the primary psychology theories of life course perspectives and developmental psychology, two prominent LCT/DLC frameworks emerged. These are Terrie Moffitt’s Developmental Taxonomy and Sampson and Laub’s Age-Graded Theory of Informal Social Control.

Moffitt’s Developmental Taxonomy: Two Pathways to Antisocial Behavior

Terrie Moffitt’s groundbreaking developmental taxonomy proposes that the offending population can be divided into two fundamentally distinct types of individuals: Life-Course Persistent (LCP) offenders and Adolescence-Limited (AL) offenders. These groups are believed to have distinct etiologies of offending (Gottfredson, 2000, p. 50).

Life-Course Persistent (LCP) Offenders:

Characteristics: LCP offenders constitute a small portion of the population, typically estimated at 4-10% (or 5-13% in some studies) (Walsh, 2014, p. 57). They are characterized by chronic, pervasive, and serious offending that begins early in life (often by age 13) and persists throughout adolescence and well into adulthood (Moffitt, 1993; Agnew, 2011, p. 184). These individuals are responsible for a large share of all delinquency, particularly serious and violent offenses. Their antisocial behavior can infiltrate multiple adult life domains, including illegal activities, employment problems, and victimization of intimate partners and children, which diminishes their possibility of reform (Akers, 1998). They tend to seek out opportunities and victims for crime and may even offend alone.

Etiology: The origins of LCP offending lie in neurodevelopmental processes beginning in childhood. Moffitt suggests it results from an interaction between neuropsychological deficits (e.g., lower IQ, hyperactivity, low verbal ability, difficult temperament, impulsivity, poor emotion regulation) and adverse environmental influences (e.g., inadequate parenting, disrupted family bonds, poverty, low socioeconomic status, harsh and erratic parenting, and rejection at school). Genetic and biological factors, such as a low heart rate, are also considered important (Moffitt, 1993). Once an LCP trajectory begins, proactive and reactive person-environment interactions serve to maintain the antisocial behavior, as LCP offenders may select into environments that support their deviant lifestyle (e.g., joining gangs) and interpret ambiguous environmental stimuli as threatening (Ward, 1993).

Persistence: While the general population decreases its antisocial participation with age, LCP individuals are expected to remain at the top of the “heap” on antisocial behaviors, maintaining a relative rank-order stability even if their absolute rate of offending declines (Cullen et al., 2011).

Antisocial Personality Disorder and LCP Offenders

Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD) is a clinical diagnosis for adults characterized by a pervasive pattern of disregard for, and violation of, the rights of others. A key diagnostic criterion for ASPD is that the individual must have had a history of Conduct Disorder (its childhood equivalent) before the age of 15. The adult symptoms include deceitfulness, impulsivity, irritability, irresponsibility, and a lack of remorse (Murphy, 2024). William Glasser, MD, wrote that, “The sociopath seems to care only about power and personal freedom and has no real consideration for the needs of anyone else” (Glasser, 2010).

LCP pathway is considered a direct developmental precursor and a significant risk factor for a diagnosis of ASPD. An individual who fits the LCP profile—showing antisocial behavior from an early age that persists into adulthood—will, in almost all cases, meet the diagnostic criteria for ASPD. LCP theory provides a sophisticated developmental explanation for why a person might develop the specific pattern of behavior and personality traits characteristic of ASPD, tying it back to neurodevelopmental vulnerabilities and a poor early environment. In essence, while LCP describes the trajectory of the criminal behavior, ASPD is the clinical label for the personality and behavioral patterns seen at the adult stage of that trajectory.

Adolescence-Limited (AL) Offenders

Characteristics: AL offenders represent the overwhelming majority of adolescents who engage in delinquency (Ward, 2014). Their offending is typically minor. It is largely confined to the adolescent years. Most desist from serious crime and deviance as they enter young adulthood. Despite committing fewer violent offenses than LCPs, the large size of the AL group means they can still account for a significant share of a society’s serious and violent crimes (Moffitt, 1993).

Etiology: AL offending arises from social processes beginning in adolescence. The primary cause is the “maturity gap”: the disjuncture between biological maturation and access to adult privileges and responsibilities. Adolescents may engage in minor deviance to demonstrate autonomy from parents, gain peer affiliation, and hasten social maturation. This group is more strongly influenced by peer associations, often mimicking the antisocial behavior of LCPs (Akers & Sellers, 2009, p. 317).

Desistance: Because their pre-delinquent development was typically normal and they lack underlying neuropsychological deficits, AL offenders are generally able to desist from crime as they transition into legitimate adult roles, where conforming behavior (e.g., lawful employment) provides demonstrable rewards. However, “snares” such as a criminal record, incarceration, addiction, or truncated education can disrupt their ability to make a successful transition to adulthood. These obstacles can delay their desistance (Cullen et al., 2011, p. 302).

Other Offender Categories and Critiques

While Moffitt’s taxonomy primarily focuses on these two types, other research has identified additional groups, such as “childhood-limited” antisocial children (who are aggressive in childhood but not notably delinquent in adolescence) and “low-level chronics” (who offend persistently but at a low rate). Moffitt argues that “adult-onset” offending is rare and often an artifact of official data, as most such offenders would be classified as adolescent-onset if self-report data were available (Moffitt, 1993). Critics, including Sampson and Laub, have debated whether distinct offender “types” truly exist. They also question if criminality represents more of a continuum. Additionally, they have challenged the idea that LCPs will persist in crime until death (sampson & Laub, 1993). They note that almost all individuals desist at some point. Moffitt, in response, clarifies that LCPs are expected to decline in offending rates with age, but still maintain their relative “top-of-the-heap” position in antisocial behavior compared to their peers (Cullen, et al., 2011, p. 294).

Sampson and Laub’s Age-Graded Theory of Informal Social Control

Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub’s age-graded theory of informal social control is another highly influential life-course perspective. It aims to explain the onset, continuity, and change in criminal offending across the entire lifespan, from childhood through adulthood (Akers, 2000, p. 251).

Their theory builds upon Hirschi’s social bond theory, asserting that delinquency and crime are more likely when an individual’s bond to society is weakened or broken. However, unlike Hirschi’s more static approach, Sampson and Laub emphasize the changing nature of social bonds over the life course (Cullen et al., 2011, p. 315).

Theoretical Framework of Age-Graded Theory of Informal Social Control

1. Structural Context and Informal Social Controls in Childhood and Adolescence:

The theory posits that structural factors (e.g., poverty, family disruption) influence informal family and school social controls (e.g., parental supervision, attachment to parents, school attachment), which, in turn, explain the onset of delinquency in childhood and adolescence. Strong social ties are seen as crucial in binding individuals to societal institutions and reducing the risk of crime (Sampson & Laub, 1993).

2. Continuity in Antisocial Behavior:

Sampson and Laub argue for strong continuity in antisocial behavior from childhood through adulthood, manifesting in both similar behaviors (homotypic continuity) and diverse behaviors that reflect an underlying propensity (heterotypic continuity) (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 7). This means that childhood misbehavior and juvenile delinquency are linked to many troublesome adult outcomes. These outcomes include official crime, military offenses, and economic dependence. They also involve educational failure, employment instability, and marital discord.

• Explanations for Continuity: They propose that continuity is explained by both population heterogeneity (stable individual differences in an underlying propensity to offend, such as low self-control) and state dependence or cumulative continuity. Cumulative continuity suggests that delinquent behavior “mortgages” an individual’s future by generating negative consequences (e.g., arrest, official labeling, incarceration, school failure, unemployment) that “knife off” conventional opportunities and weaken social bonds, thereby fostering further crime. They emphasize that these processes are not mutually exclusive and can occur simultaneously (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 137).

3. Change and Turning Points in Adulthood:

A central tenet of Sampson and Laub’s theory is that informal social bonds formed in adulthood can significantly explain changes in criminality, even in individuals with early childhood propensities toward crime (Laub & Sampson, 1993). They highlight “turning points”—significant life events and transitions—that can alter criminal trajectories.

• Key Turning Points: These include stable employment/job stability, cohesive marriage/marital attachment, and military service. These bonds provide social capital and resources that can redirect an individual from a delinquent pathway to a non-delinquent one (Akers, 2000, p. 251).
• Mechanisms of Change: Turning points can “knife off” the past, provide new supervision and opportunities, structure routine activities, and facilitate identity transformation. Research by Sampson and Laub using the Gluecks’ data revealed that job stability and marital attachment significantly reduce adult crime and deviance. This effect persists even for individuals with a history of juvenile delinquency (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 147). Their qualitative data further supported that these factors were crucial turning points. They contend that most offenders choose to desist in response to these structurally-induced turning points.
• Evidence for Change: Contrary to theories emphasizing static individual traits, Sampson and Laub argue that most antisocial adolescents do not become antisocial adults, and their research shows significant within-individual changes in offending over time (Akers, 2000, p. 114).

Revised Theory (2003)

In their later work, Shared Beginnings, Divergent Lives, Laub and Sampson expanded their theory to include structured routine activities and purposeful human agency as additional causal elements that explain both persistence and desistance in crime. They argue that individuals with ties to conventional institutions have “structured routine activities” that move them away from crime, whereas those who persist often have unstructured lives (Cullen et al., 2011, p. 21). Their theory emphasizes the quality or strength of social ties more than merely the occurrence or timing of life events (Sampson & Laub, 1993, p. 246).

Research and Data

A significant contribution of Sampson and Laub’s work is their reconstruction and re-analysis of the Gluecks’ longitudinal study of 1,000 men (500 delinquents and 500 non-delinquents) from childhood into old age (up to 70 years). This extensive data collection, combining official records and qualitative life-history interviews, represents one of the longest-running longitudinal studies in criminology. Their findings from this study have been used to challenge more deterministic theories, like some interpretations of Moffitt’s, by demonstrating heterogeneity in adult criminal patterns and widespread desistance even among high-risk individuals (Gottfredson, 2000, p. 52).

Key Debates and the Future of Life-Course Criminology

Both Moffitt’s and Sampson and Laub’s theories address the well-established age-crime curve, which shows that crime prevalence tends to peak in the teenage years and decline thereafter. However, they offer different explanations for this pattern and engage in ongoing debates. A central point of contention is whether there are truly discrete “types” of offenders (Moffitt) or if offending operates more along a continuum (Sampson and Laub, who focus on variations in social bonds rather than distinct groups). Another significant debate revolves around the relative importance of early childhood factors versus later life events in shaping criminal trajectories (Akers & Sellers, 2009, p. 318).

Despite their differences, both theories underscore the critical need for longitudinal research designs to capture the dynamic interplay of individual characteristics and social experiences over time (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990, p. 225). They highlight that human development is complex. It involves continuous interactions between individuals and their environments. Pathways through life are often characterized by both continuity and unexpected changes. Understanding these intricate processes is essential for developing more effective strategies to prevent crime and support individuals in achieving more conventional life outcomes.

Associated Concepts

• Self-Regulation: This refers to the ability to manage and control one’s thoughts, emotions, and behaviors. These skills help in achieving personal goals. They also enable adaptation to various situations. It involves processes such as impulse control, emotional regulation, and the ability to focus attention, make decisions, and persist in tasks.
• Subculture of Violence Theory: This theory asserts that certain social groups develop norms that normalize and even glorify violence as an acceptable conflict resolution method. It highlights how violence can be learned behavior, influenced by socioeconomic factors, peer dynamics, and situational contexts, necessitating targeted interventions to address underlying social issues.
• Moral Disengagement Theory: This theory, developed by Albert Bandura, explores cognitive mechanisms enabling individuals to rationalize and justify unethical actions. It delves into mental processes used to disengage from moral standards.
• Social Disorganization Theory: This theory posits that the breakdown of social structures within a community can lead to increased crime and deviant behavior. It suggests that communities with weak social ties lack the collective efficacy needed to maintain social order.
• Theory of Cognitive Development: Jean Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development posits four stages – sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational; marking the evolving journey of human intellect from infancy to adulthood.
• Locus of Control: This refers to refers to the extent to which individuals believe they can control events affecting them. People with an internal locus of control believe they can influence outcomes through their own actions, while those with an external locus of control attribute outcomes to external factors beyond their control.
• Behavioral Control Theory: This theory provides a framework that explains how individuals regulate their behavior to achieve specific goals. It’s based on the idea that people have internal mechanisms that monitor and adjust their actions to maintain a desired state.

A Few Words by Psychology Fanatic

As we delve into the intricate landscape of Life-Course and Developmental Criminology, it becomes increasingly clear that the roots of criminal behavior are far from straightforward. The findings presented in this article underscore the complexity inherent in understanding why individuals engage in crime at various stages of life. From the formative influences of childhood experiences to significant adult transitions that can alter one’s trajectory, both Moffitt’s and Sampson and Laub’s frameworks reveal a multi-dimensional picture where biological predispositions intertwine with social contexts. These theories challenge us to recognize that criminality is not merely a result of innate traits or singular events but rather an evolving narrative shaped by a myriad of factors throughout an individual’s lifespan.

Ultimately, embracing this complexity equips us with more profound insights into criminological theory and its real-world implications for prevention and rehabilitation. By acknowledging how personal choices interact dynamically with societal influences over time, we shift our focus toward creating targeted interventions that consider these multifaceted pathways. As we strive to address crime effectively, it is essential to foster an understanding rooted in compassion and contextual awareness—recognizing each individual’s unique journey while advocating for systemic changes that promote healthier environments conducive to positive outcomes. In doing so, we take meaningful strides toward breaking cycles of offending and fostering resilient communities better equipped to support their members through life’s challenges.

Last Update: August 11, 2025